The Problem of the Russian Labial Fricatives: Why V is Different

This paper offers a new account of the ambiguous sonorant/obstruent behaviour displayed by the labial continuant v in Russian. This classic case of phonological opacity has been the subject of much debate in the literature. Derivational analyses advanced so far have proved unsatisfactory. It is argued that a coherent explanation for this phenomenon is provided by Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993), where the indeterminate sonorant/obstruent behaviour of v is derived from the interplay of independent constraints. The analysis developed in this paper relies on the assumption that v is represented as the laryngeally unspecified sonorant /w/ in the underlying representation. On the surface, /w/ strengthens to the obstruent [v] but, unlike "regular" sonorants, does not receive the [+voice] specification by Sonorant Default. As a result, the output [v] lacks the laryngeal specification and so cannot affect the adjacent obstruent. The assumption that the output [v] remains unspecified for voice makes it possible to explain the fact that v can undergo but not trigger Voice Assimilation.