[1] | Agreement for Bringing Peace to Afghanistan between the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan Which Is Not Recognized by the United States as a State and Is Known as the Taliban and the United States of America. (2020, February 29). https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Agreement-For-Bringing-Peace-to-Afghanistan-02.29.20.pdf
|
[2] | Akbarzadeh, S., & Ibrahimi, N. (2019). The Taliban: A New Proxy for Iran in Afghanistan? Third World Quarterly. https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2019.1702460
|
[3] | Aslam, S. (2011). The Afghan War: U.S. Transit Reliance on Pakistan and Its Search for Alternatives. Strategic Studies, 31, 153-169. https://www.jstor.org/stable/48527653
|
[4] | Azami, A. S. (2021). Warlords, the United States, and the State of Anarchy in Afghanistan. Central European Journal of Politics, 7, 46-75. https://doi.org/10.24132/cejop_2021_1
|
[5] | Baltar, E. (2018). The United States and Pakistan in the War on Terror: Dissymmetry and Geopolitical Conflict of Interests. Estudios de Asia y áfrica, 53, 501-536.
|
[6] | Basit, A. (2021). Why Did the Afghan Army Disintegrate So Quickly? Al-Jezzera, August 17, 2021. https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2021/8/17/why-did-the-afghan-army-disintegrate-so-quickly
|
[7] | Belloni, R. (2012). Hybrid Peace Governance: Its Emergence and Significance. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, 18, 21-38. https://doi.org/10.1163/19426720-01801004
|
[8] | Biden, J. (2021). Remarks by President Biden on Afghanistan, August 16. Speeches and Remarks, The White House. https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2021/08/16/remarks-by-president-biden-on-afghanistan
|
[9] | Blinken, A. (2021). Letter to Ashraf Ghani, President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. https://tolonews.com/pdf/02.pdf
|
[10] | Boege, V. et al. (2008). On Hybrid Political Orders and Emerging States: State Formation in the Context of “Fragility”. Bergh of Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management. https://berghof-foundation.org/library/on-hybrid-political-orders-and-emerging-states-state-formation-in-the-context-of-fragility
|
[11] | Brown, F. (2021). Aiding Afghan Local Governance: What Went Wrong? Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. https://carnegieendowment.org/2021/11/08/aiding-afghan-local-governance-what-went-wrong-pub-85719
|
[12] | Brown, M. A. (2017). Hybridity and Dialogue—Approaches to the Hybrid Turn. Third World Thematics: A TWQ Journal, 2, 446-463. https://doi.org/10.1080/23802014.2017.1353893
|
[13] | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (2021, October 27). Carnegie Connects: A Conversation with Ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad. https://carnegieendowment.org/2021/10/27/carnegie-connects-conversation-with-ambassador-zalmay-khalilzad-event-7735
|
[14] | Chandler, D. (2006). Empire in Denial: The Politics of State-Building. Pluto Press.
|
[15] | Chandler, D. (2009). State-Building and Intervention: Policies, Practices and Paradigms. Routledge.
|
[16] | Chappuis, F., & Heiner, H. (2009). The Interplay between Security and Legitimacy: Security Sector Reform and State-Building. In J. Raue, & P. Sutter (Eds.), Facets and Practices of State-Building (pp. 31-58). Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. https://doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004174030.i-344.16
|
[17] | Committee on International Relations (2003). United States Policy in Afghanistan: Current Issues in Reconstruction: Hearings before the Committee on International Relations, House of Representatives, One Hundred Eighth Congress, First Session, June 19 and October 16, Volume 4. https://books.google.com.mx/books?id=WJy7wvQRUToC&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false
|
[18] | Curtis, L. (2021). How the Doha Agreement Guaranteed US Failure in Afghanistan. Hoover Institution. https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/research/docs/curtis_webreadypdf.pdf
|
[19] | Donais, T. (2009). Empowerment or Imposition? Dilemmas of Local Ownership in Post-Conflict Peacebuilding Processes. Peace & Change, 34, 3-26. https://scholars.wlu.ca/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1001&context=glob_faculty https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0130.2009.00531.x
|
[20] | Eriksen, S. S. (2010). State-Building, Ownership and Legitimacy: The Dilemmas and Contradictions of External State Building. OECD. https://www.oecd.org/dac/evaluation/dcdndep/47109849.pdf
|
[21] | Fukuyama, F. (2004). State-Building: Governance and World Order in the 21st Century. Cornell University Press.
|
[22] | Ghani, A., & Lockhart, C. (2008). Fixing Failed States: A Framework for Rebuilding a Fractured World. Oxford University Press.
|
[23] | Ghani, A., Lockhart, C., & Carnahan, M. (2006). An Agenda for State-Building in the Twenty-First Century. The Fletcher Forum of World Affairs, 31, 101-123.
|
[24] | Gohel, S. M. (2010). Iran’s Ambiguous Role in Afghanistan. CTC Sentinel, 3, 13-16. https://ctc.usma.edu/irans-ambiguous-role-in-afghanistan
|
[25] | Goodhand, J. (2008). Corrupting or Consolidating the Peace? The Drug Economy and Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Afghanistan. International Peacekeeping, 15, 405-423. https://doi.org/10.1080/13533310802058984
|
[26] | Gopal, A. (2014). No Good Men among the Living. America, the Taliban and the War through by Afghan Eyes. Picador.
|
[27] | Gordon, P. H., Doran, M., & Alterman, J. B. (2019). The Trump Administration’s Middle East Policy: A Mid-Term Assessment. Middle East Policy, 26, 5-30. https://doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12397
|
[28] | Guardian Global Development (2011). Data Summary of U.S. Aid to Pakistan 1948-2010. https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/poverty-matters/2011/jul/11/us-aid-to-pakistan#data
|
[29] | Hameiri, S., & Jones, L. (2017). Beyond Hybridity to the Politic of Scale: International Intervention and “Local” Politics. Development and Change, 48, 54-77. https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12287
|
[30] | Heathershaw, J. (2013). Towards Better Theories of Peacebuilding: Beyond the Liberal Peace Debate. Peacebuilding, 1, 275-282. https://doi.org/10.1080/21647259.2013.783260
|
[31] | Heupel, M. (2009). State-Building and the Transformation of Warfare. In J. Raue, & P. Sutter (Eds.), Facets and Practices of State-Building (pp. 59-74). Martinus Nijhoff Publishers.
|
[32] | Hirblinger, A., & Simons, C. (2015). The Good, the Bad, and the Powerful: Representations of the “Local” in Peacebuilding. Security Dialogue, 46, 422-439. https://doi.org/10.1177/0967010615580055
|
[33] | Hunt, Ch. (2018). Hybridity Revisited: Relational Approaches to Peacebuilding in Complex Sociopolitical Orders. In J. Wallis, et al. (Eds.), Hybridity on the Ground in Peacebuilding and Development: Critical Conversations (pp. 51-66). ANU Press. https://doi.org/10.22459/HGPD.03.2018.03
|
[34] | Ibrahimi, Y. S. (2019). Afghanistan’s Political Development Dilemma: The Centralist State versus a Centrifugal Society. Journal of South Asian Development, 14, 40-61. https://doi.org/10.1177/0973174119839843
|
[35] | Jarvaid, F., & Ahmed Khan, M. (2015). The Role of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) with Special Reference to U.S. Rivalry towards Central Asia. International Research Journal of Social Sciences, 4, 58-63. https://file:///C:/Users/balta/Downloads/articleofshaghai10.ISCA-IRJSS-2014-291.pdf
|
[36] | Jett, D. (2011). U.S. Security Assistance in the Middle East: Helping Friends or Creating Enemies? Middle East Policy, 18, 78-88. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.2011.00474.x
|
[37] | Kaplan, S. D. (2008). Fixing Fragile States: A New Paradigm for Development. Praeger Security International.
|
[38] | Kepel, G. (2004). Fitna. Guerra en el corazón del islam. Paidós.
|
[39] | Khalilzad, Z. (2016). The Envoy from Kabul to the White House, My Journey through a Turbulent World. St. Martin’s Press.
|
[40] | Khan, A. (2021). Hidden Pentagon Records Reveal Patterns of Failure in Deadly Airstrikes. The New York Times, December 18. https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2021/12/18/us/airstrikes-pentagon-records-civilian-deaths.html
|
[41] | Kinzer, S. (2006). Overthrow: America’s Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq. Times Book. http://www.lander.odessa.ua/doc/Overthrow%20Kinzer.pdf
|
[42] | Krasner, S., & Pascual, C. (2005). Addressing State Failure. Foreign Affairs, 84, 153-163. https://doi.org/10.2307/20034427
|
[43] | Loyn, D. (2021). The Long War: The Inside Story of America and Afghanistan since 9/11. St. Martin’s Publishing Group.
|
[44] | Mac Ginty, R. (2010). Hybrid Peace: The Interaction between Top-Down and Bottom-Up Peace. Security Dialogue, 41, 391-412. https://doi.org/10.1177/0967010610374312
|
[45] | Mac Ginty, R., & Richmond, O. (2015). The Fallacy of Constructing Hybrid Political Orders: a Reappraisal of the Hybrid Turn in Peacebuilding. International Peacekeeping, 23, 219-239. https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2015.1099440
|
[46] | Maley, W., & Ahmad Shuja, J. (2022). Diplomacy of Disaster: The Afghanistan “Peace Process” and the Taliban Occupation of Kabul. The Hague Journal of Diplomacy, 17, 32-63. https://doi.org/10.1163/1871191X-bja10089
|
[47] | Malik, M. (2009). Pakistan: Can U.S. Policy Save the Day? Middle East Policy, 16, 138-148. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.2009.00397.x
|
[48] | Mansfield, D. (2016). A State Built on Sand. How Opium Undermined Afghanistan. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190608316.001.0001
|
[49] | Marsden, M. (2022). Beyond State-Centrism, towards Acknowledging Relationality: Understanding Afghanistan from an Inter-Asian Perspective. Ethnoscripts, 24, 296-318. https://journals.sub.uni-hamburg.de/ethnoscripts/article/view/2008/1820
|
[50] | Mearsheimer, J. J. (2005). Hans Morgenthau and the Iraq War: Realism versus Neoconservatism. Open Democracy. https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/morgenthau_2522jsp
|
[51] | Meierhenrich, J. (2004). Forming States after Failure. In R. I. Rotberg (Ed.), When States Fail: Causes and Consequences (pp. 153-169). Princeton University Press. https://doi.org/10.1515/9781400835799-009
|
[52] | Millar, G. (2014). Disaggregating Hybridity: Why Hybrid Institutions Do Not Produce Predictable Experiences of Peace. Journal of Peace Research, 51, 501-514. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022343313519465
|
[53] | Munir, M. (2011). The Layha for the Mujahideen: An Analysis of the Code of Conduct for the Taliban Fighters under Islamic Law. International Review of the Red Cross, 93, 81-102. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1816383111000075
|
[54] | Nader, A. et al. (2014). Iran’s Influence in Afghanistan Implications for the U.S. Draw-Down. RAND Corporation. https://doi.org/10.7249/RR616 https://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/research_reports/RR600/RR616/RAND_RR616.pdf
|
[55] | OECD (2011). Critical Elements Underpinning State-Building. In Supporting State-Building in Situations of Conflict and Fragility: Policy Guidance (pp. 29-39). OECD Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264074989-7-en
|
[56] | Paris, R. (2004). At War’s End: Building Peace after Civil Conflict. Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511790836
|
[57] | Peceny, M., & Bosin, Y. (2011). Winning with Warlords in Afghanistan. Small Wars & Insurgencies, 22, 603-618. https://doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2011.599166
|
[58] | Rafique, N. (2011). Rethinking Pakistan-U.S. Relations. Strategic Studies, 31, 124-152. https://www.jstor.org/stable/48527652
|
[59] | Rashid, A. (2008). Descent into Chaos. The United States and the Failure of Nation-Building in Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Central Asia. Viking.
|
[60] | Rashid, A. (2012-2013). The Salala Incident: Implications for the Pakistan-United Statesties. Strategic Studies, 32/33, 45-60. https://www.jstor.org/stable/48527624
|
[61] | Richmond, O., & Mitchell, A. (2012). Introduction: Towards a Post-Liberal Peace: Exploring Hybridity via Everyday Forms of Resistance, Agency and Autonomy. In Hybrid Forms of Peace: From Everyday Agency to Post-Liberalism (pp. 1-38). Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230354234_1
|
[62] | Rubin, B. R. (2020). Afghanistan: What Everyone Needs to Know. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190496630.001.0001
|
[63] | Rubin, B. R., & Batmanglich, S. (2008). The U.S. and Iran in Afghanistan: Policy Gone Awry. MIT Center for International Studies. https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/93911/Audit_10_08_Rubin.pdf
|
[64] | Ruttig, T. (2021). A Deal in the Mist: How Much of the US-Taleban Doha Agreement Has Been Implemented? Afghanistan Analysts Network. https://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/en/reports/war-and-peace/a-deal-in-the-mist-how-much-of-the-us-taleban-doha-agreement-has-been-implemented
|
[65] | Schetter, C., Glassner, R., & Karokhail, M. (2007). Beyond Warlordism. The Local Security Architecture in Afghanistan. https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/ipg/ipg-2007-2/10_schetter_us.pdf
|
[66] | Sebenius, J. K., & Singh, M. K. (2012). Is a Nuclear Deal with Iran Possible? An Analytical Framework for the Iran Nuclear Negotiations. International Security, 37, 52-91. https://doi.org/10.1162/ISEC_a_00108
|
[67] | Sheikh, M., & Greenwood, M. (2013). Taliban Talks. Past, Present and Prospects for the US, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Danish Institute for International Studies. https://www.econstor.eu/bitstream/10419/97044/1/774665149.pdf
|
[68] | SIGAR (2016). Corruption in Conflict: Lessons from the U.S. Experience in Afghanistan. https://www.sigar.mil/pdf/lessonslearned/sigar-16-58-ll.pdf
|
[69] | SIGAR (2021). What We Need to Learn: Lesson from Twenty Years of Afghanistan Reconstruction. https://www.sigar.mil/pdf/lessonslearned/SIGAR-21-46-LL.pdf
|
[70] | Southerland, M., Green, W., & Janik, S. (2020). The Shanghai Cooperation Organization: A Testbed for Chinese Power Projection. U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission. https://www.uscc.gov/research/shanghai-cooperation-organization-testbed-chinese-power-projection
|
[71] | Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR) (2015, January 30). Quarterly Report to the United States Congress. https://www.sigar.mil/pdf/quarterlyreports/2015-01-30qr.pdf
|
[72] | Statista (2018). U.S. War Costs in Iraq and Afghanistan from 2003 to 2015. https://www.statista.com/statistics/271526/us-war-costs-in-iraq-and-afghanistan
|
[73] | The Asia Foundation (2019). A Survey of the Afghan People. Afghanistan in 2019. https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/2019_Afghan_Survey_Full-Report.pdf
|
[74] | The World Bank (2022). Foreign Direct Investment, Net Inflows (BoP, Current US$) Afghanistan. World Development Indicators. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/BX.KLT.DINV.CD.WD?locations=AF
|
[75] | UN United Nations (2019). The Situation in Afghanistan and Its Implications for International Peace and Security (A/73/777-S/2019/193). https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N19/050/66/PDF/N1905066.pdf?OpenElement
|
[76] | United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) (2022). Afghanistan Opium Survey 2021. https://www.unodc.org/documents/crop-monitoring/Afghanistan/Afghanistan_Opium_Survey_2021.pdf
|
[77] | Whitlock, C. (2021). The Afghanistan Papers: A Secret History of the War. Simon & Schuster.
|
[78] | Wilcock, C. A. (2021). From Hybridity to Networked Relationality: Actors, Ideologies and the Legacies of Sudan’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement. Journal of Intervention and State-Building, 15, 221-243. https://doi.org/10.1080/17502977.2020.1822619
|
[79] | World Bank Group (2020). Doing Business 2020. https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/688761571934946384/pdf/Doing-Business-2020-Comparing-Business-Regulation-in-190-Economies.pdf
|
[80] | World Bank Group (2021). Afghanistan Development Update. https://thedocs.worldbank.org/en/doc/e406b6f24c2b7fdeb93b56c3116ed8f1-0310012021/original/Afghanistan-Development-Update-FINAL.pdf
|
[81] | World Integrated Trade Solutions (WITS) (2022). Afghanistan Trade Statistics. https://wits.worldbank.org/CountryProfile/en/AFG
|
[82] | Zartman, W. (2007). Negotiation and Conflict Management. Essays on Theory and Practice. Routledge.
|