全部 标题 作者
关键词 摘要

OALib Journal期刊
ISSN: 2333-9721
费用:99美元

查看量下载量

相关文章

更多...

Why Did State-Building Policy Fail in Afghanistan?

DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2023.131008, PP. 129-154

Keywords: Afghanistan, War on Terror, State-Building, Legitimacy, Local Ownership, Geopolitics

Full-Text   Cite this paper   Add to My Lib

Abstract:

Afghan state collapse in August 2021 once again put discussion about state-building strategies in post-conflict scenarios. This article explores fundamental causes of state-building failure in Afghanistan and proposes an explanation based, for one side, on policy inability to generate internal legitimacy and local ownership necessary for State consolidation and sustainability born from military intervention in 2001; and for the other, in how war on terror interest vitiated Afghan transition course by subordinating democratic governance and economic reconstruction goals to security considerations. In this sense, article focuses its attention on three fundamental issues that ultimately doomed 20-year effort of state-building to failure: the way in which new state foundations were distorted to turn it into a neo-patrimonial pseudo-democracy, dependent and corrupt, and controlled it by an old and new warlords elite; the absence of a national reconstruction effective strategy for helping Afghan people to rebuild a country devastated by years of war, that would allow socializing peace benefits and strengthen central government authority in a traditionally fragmented and centrifugal society; and lastly, the geopolitical environment also generated by war on terror, which was not contribute to peace and stability in Afghanistan and increased state-building shortcomings and failure chances.

References

[1]  Agreement for Bringing Peace to Afghanistan between the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan Which Is Not Recognized by the United States as a State and Is Known as the Taliban and the United States of America. (2020, February 29).
https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Agreement-For-Bringing-Peace-to-Afghanistan-02.29.20.pdf
[2]  Akbarzadeh, S., & Ibrahimi, N. (2019). The Taliban: A New Proxy for Iran in Afghanistan? Third World Quarterly.
https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2019.1702460
[3]  Aslam, S. (2011). The Afghan War: U.S. Transit Reliance on Pakistan and Its Search for Alternatives. Strategic Studies, 31, 153-169.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/48527653
[4]  Azami, A. S. (2021). Warlords, the United States, and the State of Anarchy in Afghanistan. Central European Journal of Politics, 7, 46-75.
https://doi.org/10.24132/cejop_2021_1
[5]  Baltar, E. (2018). The United States and Pakistan in the War on Terror: Dissymmetry and Geopolitical Conflict of Interests. Estudios de Asia y áfrica, 53, 501-536.
[6]  Basit, A. (2021). Why Did the Afghan Army Disintegrate So Quickly? Al-Jezzera, August 17, 2021.
https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2021/8/17/why-did-the-afghan-army-disintegrate-so-quickly
[7]  Belloni, R. (2012). Hybrid Peace Governance: Its Emergence and Significance. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, 18, 21-38.
https://doi.org/10.1163/19426720-01801004
[8]  Biden, J. (2021). Remarks by President Biden on Afghanistan, August 16. Speeches and Remarks, The White House.
https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2021/08/16/remarks-by-president-biden-on-afghanistan
[9]  Blinken, A. (2021). Letter to Ashraf Ghani, President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan.
https://tolonews.com/pdf/02.pdf
[10]  Boege, V. et al. (2008). On Hybrid Political Orders and Emerging States: State Formation in the Context of “Fragility”. Bergh of Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management.
https://berghof-foundation.org/library/on-hybrid-political-orders-and-emerging-states-state-formation-in-the-context-of-fragility
[11]  Brown, F. (2021). Aiding Afghan Local Governance: What Went Wrong? Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
https://carnegieendowment.org/2021/11/08/aiding-afghan-local-governance-what-went-wrong-pub-85719
[12]  Brown, M. A. (2017). Hybridity and Dialogue—Approaches to the Hybrid Turn. Third World Thematics: A TWQ Journal, 2, 446-463.
https://doi.org/10.1080/23802014.2017.1353893
[13]  Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (2021, October 27). Carnegie Connects: A Conversation with Ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad.
https://carnegieendowment.org/2021/10/27/carnegie-connects-conversation-with-ambassador-zalmay-khalilzad-event-7735
[14]  Chandler, D. (2006). Empire in Denial: The Politics of State-Building. Pluto Press.
[15]  Chandler, D. (2009). State-Building and Intervention: Policies, Practices and Paradigms. Routledge.
[16]  Chappuis, F., & Heiner, H. (2009). The Interplay between Security and Legitimacy: Security Sector Reform and State-Building. In J. Raue, & P. Sutter (Eds.), Facets and Practices of State-Building (pp. 31-58). Martinus Nijhoff Publishers.
https://doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004174030.i-344.16
[17]  Committee on International Relations (2003). United States Policy in Afghanistan: Current Issues in Reconstruction: Hearings before the Committee on International Relations, House of Representatives, One Hundred Eighth Congress, First Session, June 19 and October 16, Volume 4.
https://books.google.com.mx/books?id=WJy7wvQRUToC&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false
[18]  Curtis, L. (2021). How the Doha Agreement Guaranteed US Failure in Afghanistan. Hoover Institution.
https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/research/docs/curtis_webreadypdf.pdf
[19]  Donais, T. (2009). Empowerment or Imposition? Dilemmas of Local Ownership in Post-Conflict Peacebuilding Processes. Peace & Change, 34, 3-26.
https://scholars.wlu.ca/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1001&context=glob_faculty
https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0130.2009.00531.x
[20]  Eriksen, S. S. (2010). State-Building, Ownership and Legitimacy: The Dilemmas and Contradictions of External State Building. OECD.
https://www.oecd.org/dac/evaluation/dcdndep/47109849.pdf
[21]  Fukuyama, F. (2004). State-Building: Governance and World Order in the 21st Century. Cornell University Press.
[22]  Ghani, A., & Lockhart, C. (2008). Fixing Failed States: A Framework for Rebuilding a Fractured World. Oxford University Press.
[23]  Ghani, A., Lockhart, C., & Carnahan, M. (2006). An Agenda for State-Building in the Twenty-First Century. The Fletcher Forum of World Affairs, 31, 101-123.
[24]  Gohel, S. M. (2010). Iran’s Ambiguous Role in Afghanistan. CTC Sentinel, 3, 13-16.
https://ctc.usma.edu/irans-ambiguous-role-in-afghanistan
[25]  Goodhand, J. (2008). Corrupting or Consolidating the Peace? The Drug Economy and Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Afghanistan. International Peacekeeping, 15, 405-423.
https://doi.org/10.1080/13533310802058984
[26]  Gopal, A. (2014). No Good Men among the Living. America, the Taliban and the War through by Afghan Eyes. Picador.
[27]  Gordon, P. H., Doran, M., & Alterman, J. B. (2019). The Trump Administration’s Middle East Policy: A Mid-Term Assessment. Middle East Policy, 26, 5-30.
https://doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12397
[28]  Guardian Global Development (2011). Data Summary of U.S. Aid to Pakistan 1948-2010.
https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/poverty-matters/2011/jul/11/us-aid-to-pakistan#data
[29]  Hameiri, S., & Jones, L. (2017). Beyond Hybridity to the Politic of Scale: International Intervention and “Local” Politics. Development and Change, 48, 54-77.
https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12287
[30]  Heathershaw, J. (2013). Towards Better Theories of Peacebuilding: Beyond the Liberal Peace Debate. Peacebuilding, 1, 275-282.
https://doi.org/10.1080/21647259.2013.783260
[31]  Heupel, M. (2009). State-Building and the Transformation of Warfare. In J. Raue, & P. Sutter (Eds.), Facets and Practices of State-Building (pp. 59-74). Martinus Nijhoff Publishers.
[32]  Hirblinger, A., & Simons, C. (2015). The Good, the Bad, and the Powerful: Representations of the “Local” in Peacebuilding. Security Dialogue, 46, 422-439.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0967010615580055
[33]  Hunt, Ch. (2018). Hybridity Revisited: Relational Approaches to Peacebuilding in Complex Sociopolitical Orders. In J. Wallis, et al. (Eds.), Hybridity on the Ground in Peacebuilding and Development: Critical Conversations (pp. 51-66). ANU Press.
https://doi.org/10.22459/HGPD.03.2018.03
[34]  Ibrahimi, Y. S. (2019). Afghanistan’s Political Development Dilemma: The Centralist State versus a Centrifugal Society. Journal of South Asian Development, 14, 40-61.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0973174119839843
[35]  Jarvaid, F., & Ahmed Khan, M. (2015). The Role of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) with Special Reference to U.S. Rivalry towards Central Asia. International Research Journal of Social Sciences, 4, 58-63.
https://file:///C:/Users/balta/Downloads/articleofshaghai10.ISCA-IRJSS-2014-291.pdf
[36]  Jett, D. (2011). U.S. Security Assistance in the Middle East: Helping Friends or Creating Enemies? Middle East Policy, 18, 78-88.
https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.2011.00474.x
[37]  Kaplan, S. D. (2008). Fixing Fragile States: A New Paradigm for Development. Praeger Security International.
[38]  Kepel, G. (2004). Fitna. Guerra en el corazón del islam. Paidós.
[39]  Khalilzad, Z. (2016). The Envoy from Kabul to the White House, My Journey through a Turbulent World. St. Martin’s Press.
[40]  Khan, A. (2021). Hidden Pentagon Records Reveal Patterns of Failure in Deadly Airstrikes. The New York Times, December 18.
https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2021/12/18/us/airstrikes-pentagon-records-civilian-deaths.html
[41]  Kinzer, S. (2006). Overthrow: America’s Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq. Times Book.
http://www.lander.odessa.ua/doc/Overthrow%20Kinzer.pdf
[42]  Krasner, S., & Pascual, C. (2005). Addressing State Failure. Foreign Affairs, 84, 153-163.
https://doi.org/10.2307/20034427
[43]  Loyn, D. (2021). The Long War: The Inside Story of America and Afghanistan since 9/11. St. Martin’s Publishing Group.
[44]  Mac Ginty, R. (2010). Hybrid Peace: The Interaction between Top-Down and Bottom-Up Peace. Security Dialogue, 41, 391-412.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0967010610374312
[45]  Mac Ginty, R., & Richmond, O. (2015). The Fallacy of Constructing Hybrid Political Orders: a Reappraisal of the Hybrid Turn in Peacebuilding. International Peacekeeping, 23, 219-239.
https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2015.1099440
[46]  Maley, W., & Ahmad Shuja, J. (2022). Diplomacy of Disaster: The Afghanistan “Peace Process” and the Taliban Occupation of Kabul. The Hague Journal of Diplomacy, 17, 32-63.
https://doi.org/10.1163/1871191X-bja10089
[47]  Malik, M. (2009). Pakistan: Can U.S. Policy Save the Day? Middle East Policy, 16, 138-148.
https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.2009.00397.x
[48]  Mansfield, D. (2016). A State Built on Sand. How Opium Undermined Afghanistan. Oxford University Press.
https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190608316.001.0001
[49]  Marsden, M. (2022). Beyond State-Centrism, towards Acknowledging Relationality: Understanding Afghanistan from an Inter-Asian Perspective. Ethnoscripts, 24, 296-318.
https://journals.sub.uni-hamburg.de/ethnoscripts/article/view/2008/1820
[50]  Mearsheimer, J. J. (2005). Hans Morgenthau and the Iraq War: Realism versus Neoconservatism. Open Democracy.
https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/morgenthau_2522jsp
[51]  Meierhenrich, J. (2004). Forming States after Failure. In R. I. Rotberg (Ed.), When States Fail: Causes and Consequences (pp. 153-169). Princeton University Press.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9781400835799-009
[52]  Millar, G. (2014). Disaggregating Hybridity: Why Hybrid Institutions Do Not Produce Predictable Experiences of Peace. Journal of Peace Research, 51, 501-514.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0022343313519465
[53]  Munir, M. (2011). The Layha for the Mujahideen: An Analysis of the Code of Conduct for the Taliban Fighters under Islamic Law. International Review of the Red Cross, 93, 81-102.
https://doi.org/10.1017/S1816383111000075
[54]  Nader, A. et al. (2014). Iran’s Influence in Afghanistan Implications for the U.S. Draw-Down. RAND Corporation.
https://doi.org/10.7249/RR616
https://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/research_reports/RR600/RR616/RAND_RR616.pdf
[55]  OECD (2011). Critical Elements Underpinning State-Building. In Supporting State-Building in Situations of Conflict and Fragility: Policy Guidance (pp. 29-39). OECD Publishing.
https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264074989-7-en
[56]  Paris, R. (2004). At War’s End: Building Peace after Civil Conflict. Cambridge University Press.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511790836
[57]  Peceny, M., & Bosin, Y. (2011). Winning with Warlords in Afghanistan. Small Wars & Insurgencies, 22, 603-618.
https://doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2011.599166
[58]  Rafique, N. (2011). Rethinking Pakistan-U.S. Relations. Strategic Studies, 31, 124-152.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/48527652
[59]  Rashid, A. (2008). Descent into Chaos. The United States and the Failure of Nation-Building in Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Central Asia. Viking.
[60]  Rashid, A. (2012-2013). The Salala Incident: Implications for the Pakistan-United Statesties. Strategic Studies, 32/33, 45-60.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/48527624
[61]  Richmond, O., & Mitchell, A. (2012). Introduction: Towards a Post-Liberal Peace: Exploring Hybridity via Everyday Forms of Resistance, Agency and Autonomy. In Hybrid Forms of Peace: From Everyday Agency to Post-Liberalism (pp. 1-38). Palgrave Macmillan.
https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230354234_1
[62]  Rubin, B. R. (2020). Afghanistan: What Everyone Needs to Know. Oxford University Press.
https://doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190496630.001.0001
[63]  Rubin, B. R., & Batmanglich, S. (2008). The U.S. and Iran in Afghanistan: Policy Gone Awry. MIT Center for International Studies.
https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/93911/Audit_10_08_Rubin.pdf
[64]  Ruttig, T. (2021). A Deal in the Mist: How Much of the US-Taleban Doha Agreement Has Been Implemented? Afghanistan Analysts Network.
https://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/en/reports/war-and-peace/a-deal-in-the-mist-how-much-of-the-us-taleban-doha-agreement-has-been-implemented
[65]  Schetter, C., Glassner, R., & Karokhail, M. (2007). Beyond Warlordism. The Local Security Architecture in Afghanistan.
https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/ipg/ipg-2007-2/10_schetter_us.pdf
[66]  Sebenius, J. K., & Singh, M. K. (2012). Is a Nuclear Deal with Iran Possible? An Analytical Framework for the Iran Nuclear Negotiations. International Security, 37, 52-91.
https://doi.org/10.1162/ISEC_a_00108
[67]  Sheikh, M., & Greenwood, M. (2013). Taliban Talks. Past, Present and Prospects for the US, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Danish Institute for International Studies.
https://www.econstor.eu/bitstream/10419/97044/1/774665149.pdf
[68]  SIGAR (2016). Corruption in Conflict: Lessons from the U.S. Experience in Afghanistan.
https://www.sigar.mil/pdf/lessonslearned/sigar-16-58-ll.pdf
[69]  SIGAR (2021). What We Need to Learn: Lesson from Twenty Years of Afghanistan Reconstruction.
https://www.sigar.mil/pdf/lessonslearned/SIGAR-21-46-LL.pdf
[70]  Southerland, M., Green, W., & Janik, S. (2020). The Shanghai Cooperation Organization: A Testbed for Chinese Power Projection. U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.
https://www.uscc.gov/research/shanghai-cooperation-organization-testbed-chinese-power-projection
[71]  Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR) (2015, January 30). Quarterly Report to the United States Congress.
https://www.sigar.mil/pdf/quarterlyreports/2015-01-30qr.pdf
[72]  Statista (2018). U.S. War Costs in Iraq and Afghanistan from 2003 to 2015.
https://www.statista.com/statistics/271526/us-war-costs-in-iraq-and-afghanistan
[73]  The Asia Foundation (2019). A Survey of the Afghan People. Afghanistan in 2019.
https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/2019_Afghan_Survey_Full-Report.pdf
[74]  The World Bank (2022). Foreign Direct Investment, Net Inflows (BoP, Current US$) Afghanistan. World Development Indicators.
https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/BX.KLT.DINV.CD.WD?locations=AF
[75]  UN United Nations (2019). The Situation in Afghanistan and Its Implications for International Peace and Security (A/73/777-S/2019/193).
https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N19/050/66/PDF/N1905066.pdf?OpenElement
[76]  United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) (2022). Afghanistan Opium Survey 2021.
https://www.unodc.org/documents/crop-monitoring/Afghanistan/Afghanistan_Opium_Survey_2021.pdf
[77]  Whitlock, C. (2021). The Afghanistan Papers: A Secret History of the War. Simon & Schuster.
[78]  Wilcock, C. A. (2021). From Hybridity to Networked Relationality: Actors, Ideologies and the Legacies of Sudan’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement. Journal of Intervention and State-Building, 15, 221-243.
https://doi.org/10.1080/17502977.2020.1822619
[79]  World Bank Group (2020). Doing Business 2020.
https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/688761571934946384/pdf/Doing-Business-2020-Comparing-Business-Regulation-in-190-Economies.pdf
[80]  World Bank Group (2021). Afghanistan Development Update.
https://thedocs.worldbank.org/en/doc/e406b6f24c2b7fdeb93b56c3116ed8f1-0310012021/original/Afghanistan-Development-Update-FINAL.pdf
[81]  World Integrated Trade Solutions (WITS) (2022). Afghanistan Trade Statistics.
https://wits.worldbank.org/CountryProfile/en/AFG
[82]  Zartman, W. (2007). Negotiation and Conflict Management. Essays on Theory and Practice. Routledge.

Full-Text

Contact Us

service@oalib.com

QQ:3279437679

WhatsApp +8615387084133